The late US VP Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was considered arguably the most significant occupants of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. While many second-in-commands were confined to peripheral or figurehead functions, Cheney exercised huge power during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often called as the "true president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and said the dynamic was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in official appearances as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even portrayals of their partnership as a team because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of these denials, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a whole raft of governmental choices.
A Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a group of neo-conservatives that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the strikes changed him, making him become focused on revenge. Together with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Actions
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the enhanced interrogation of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on inaccurate intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It was the proper decision to do then. I was convinced at the time and I hold that view now."
But during that period, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, inaction, and recklessness: potentially, falsehoods, incompetence, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had drafted a memorandum outlining circumstances in which national priorities might be threatened (encompassing "access to vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be positioned to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the Oval Office vaguely intent on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been fired by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of diminishing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a conspiracy to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his predecessor's face that everyone had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
However it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken supporting attacking Iraq, repeatedly quoting intelligence reports that were whether weak or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush White House politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no useful information had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in labels imposed on him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that nobody ever sees come out of his lair? It's a nice way to function, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his corporate affiliations pursued him throughout his time as VP. Even though he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the White House. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US deals worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his time at the company grew from his previous salary while military head to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at more than $20m|twenty
